Knowing more at times I pretend that less would suffice, unlike those who give testimony
Wednesday, December 7, 2016
Wednesday, August 17, 2016
I'm a Ugandan
Monday, July 25, 2016
The Rural Uganda Education Initiative
Sunday, July 3, 2016
In Uganda we should respect the dead
Wednesday, May 4, 2016
The Case for Term Limits in Uganda
Thursday, April 28, 2016
The attack on young journalists in Uganda by the old guard is on the rise
Tuesday, April 12, 2016
Social Media is Killing the brains of young Ugandans.
Thursday, March 10, 2016
When The Victim Is To Blame, a FB post on #UgandaDecides
Friday, March 4, 2016
The Case for Term Limits in Uganda, Part 19 of series
Thursday, March 3, 2016
The Case for Term Limits in #Uganda,
Wednesday, March 2, 2016
Former Ugandan Prime Minister is to petition court over flawed Ugandan elections
The petition of Mr Amama Mbabazi of Nyonyi Gardens Kololo Uganda, whose name is stated at the foot of this petition, shows:
1. Your petitioner Amama Mbabazi is a person who was a candidate at the above mentioned Presidential Election and is an aggrieved candidate within the meaning of the Presidential Election Act.
2. And your petitioner states that the election was held on the 18th day of February 2016 when Abed Bwanika, Amama Mbabazi, Baryamureeba Venansius, Benon Buta Biraaro, Kizza Besigye Kifefe, Mabirizi Joseph, Maureen Faith Kyalya Waluube and Yoweri Kaguta Museveni were candidates and the Electoral Commission has returned Yoweri Kaguta Museveni as the validly elected President by its Declaration dated 20th February 2016.
3. And your petitioner contends that the following offences and illegal practices were committed in connection with the said Presidential election that:
(a) (i) Contrary to Section 64 (1) and (4) of the Presidential Elections Act hereinafter referred to as “the Act” the 1st Respondent [Mr Museveni] and his agents with his knowledge and consent or approval gave a bribe of hoes to the voters of West Nile with intent that they should vote the 1st Respondent and to refrain from voting the petitioner and other presidential candidates.
(ii) Contrary to Section 64 (1) and (4) of the Presidential Elections Act between mid-2015 and 16th and 18th of February 2016 the 1st Respondent through his agents and with the knowledge and consent or approval gave a bribe of Ushs250,000 (Uganda Shillings) to voters in every village throughout Uganda on two occasions with intent that they should vote the 1st Respondent and to refrain from voting the petitioner and other candidates
(b) Contrary to S.69 (1) (a) and (b) of the Act the 1st Respondent made reckless statements while referring to the petitioner and candidate Kizza Besigye that he was not prepared to hand over power to wolves, “emishega” and that the followers-cum-supporters of the petitioner and Kizza Besigye were “mad”.
(c) Contrary to Section 26 (b) of the Act the 1st Respondent organized, under the Uganda Police, a political partisan militia, the so-called “crime preventers” under the superintendence of the Inspector General of Police General Kale Kayihura, a paramilitary force –cum-militia to use force and violence against persons suspected of not supporting candidate Yoweri Kaguta Museveni thereby causing a breach of peace, disharmony and disturbance of public tranquility and induce others to vote against their conscience in order to gain unfair advantage for candidate Yoweri Kaguta Museveni.
(c) Contrary to Sections 24 (5) (a) (i) (ii) (b) (c) (d) and 7 of the Act the 1st Respondent on several occasions threatened to arrest your petitioner and candidate Kizza Besigye and used derogatory and reckless language when he stated that your Petitioner and his supporters had touched “the anus of a leopard” and would see what would happen to them and this had the effect of scaring voters to vote the 1st Respondent for their own safety.
(d) Contrary to Sections 24 (5) (a) (i) (ii) (b) (c) + (d) and 7 of the Act the 1st Respondent on various occasions threatened that if the voters elected your petitioner or anybody else, Uganda would go back to war and this had the effect of influencing the voters to vote the 1st Respondent so as to maintain the status quo.
(e) That the above illegal practices and offences were committed by the 1st Respondent personally or and his agents and supporters with his knowledge and consent or approval through the Police, some elements of the Military, Special Forces and the organs of the State attached to his office under his command as the President, Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, Chairman of the National Defence Council and High Command and Chairman of the National Resistance Movement.
4. Your petitioner says that on … September 2015, contrary to S.3 (1) (2) of the Act, under the directive of the 1st Respondent, the Inspector General of Police General Kale Kayihura and his officers prevented your petitioner, as an aspirant from conducting consultations with voters in preparation for his nomination as a presidential candidate.
5. Under the directive of the 1st Respondent some officers under the command of General Kale Kayihura of the Uganda Police Force applied force and arrested your petitioner along Jinja Road in Njeru Town Council near the Owen Falls Dam Bridge and publicly humiliated him and later detained him at Kira Road Police Station thereby giving unfair advantage to the 1st Respondent who on the other hand was criss-crossing the country undeterred under the guise of “wealth creation” (sic) when he was in effect campaigning.
6. Contrary to Section 3 of the Act when your petitioner was subsequently allowed to go, he was hounded and trailed by some members of the Uganda People’s Defence Forces, the Uganda Police, a motley crew of all the state security agencies and the so-called Crime Preventers (sic) who would go as advance teams or would go at the time of the consultations to dissuade voters and members of the public from attending the Petitioner’s meetings and actually dispersed the petitioner’s meetings in diverse places in eastern Uganda, instilled fear and harassed all who attended the said meetings, and arrested all those who carried your petitioner’s manifestos, posters and other campaign materials thereby frustrating his efforts and giving unfair advantage to candidate Yoweri Kaguta Museveni.
7. Contrary to Sections 9 and 10 of the Act:
(a) The 1st Respondent was nominated by the 2nd Respondent (Electoral Commission) illegally on the 3rd day of November 2015 when the 1st Respondent had not yet been sponsored by the National Resistance Movement on whose ticket he purportedly contested.
(b) The 2nd Respondent acted improperly when it extended the deadline to give the 1st Respondent more time instead of declaring the 1st Respondent’s nomination papers null and void under S.11 of the Act after the deadline had passed and after all other candidates had submitted their respective documents thereby giving the 1st Respondent unfair advantage.
8. Contrary to Section 12 (i) (e) of the Election Commission Act, the 2nd Respondent failed to accord equal treatment to your petitioner when it failed to prevail upon authorities and agencies of government such as the Uganda Broadcasting Corporation and the New Vision Publishing Corporation through their electronic and print media to render equal coverage to him to enable him present his programmes but they offered preferential treatment to the 1st Respondent.
9. Contrary to Section 26 of the Act, the 1st Respondent directed a one [retired] Major General to fly the 1st Respondent’s helicopter fully decorated with the 1st Respondent’s campaign posters and party colours to land at Boma Ground Fort Portal and instilled fear and uncertainty and in effect interfering with the scheduled electioneering activities of your petitioner culminating in the disruption of your petitioner’s rally.
10. Contrary to Section 27 of the Act, the 1st Respondent made use of government resources which are not ordinarily attached to and utilized by the President without proper authorization by law thereby having unfair advantage over your Petitioner.
11. Contrary to Section 28(a) (b) (c) of the Act on 18th February 2016 officials of the 2nd Respondent delivered to many polling stations the voting materials late and at many polling stations voting did not commence until 2:00 pm and in some places at 4:00pm and yet others at 8:30pm and ended after 1:00am in other places.
12. Contrary to the provisions of Sections 33 and 48 (4) and (5) of the Act on the polling day during the polling exercise the Petitioner’s polling agents were chased away from the Polling Stations in many districts of Uganda and as a result the Petitioner’s interests at those polling stations could not be safeguarded.
13. Contrary to Section 30 (2) and (5) of the Act, the 2nd Respondent and its agents/servants allowed voting before the official polling time and allowed people to vote beyond the polling time by people who were neither present at polling stations nor in the line of voters at the official hour of closing.
14. Contrary to Section 31 (8) of the Act, the 2nd Respondent’s agents/servants in the course of their duties, allowed commencement of the poll with pre-ticked ballot papers, ballot boxes already stuffed with ballot papers and without first opening the said boxes in full view of all present to ensure that they are devoid of any contents.
15. Contrary to Section 32 of the Act, the 2nd Respondent’s agents/servants/the Presiding Officers in the course of their duties and with full knowledge that some people had already voted allowed the same people to vote more than once.
From the daily monitar (UG)
Monday, February 22, 2016
In Uganda after a FLAWED elections, Citizens Demand Recall of the electoral process
Saturday, January 30, 2016
A New poem I am working on for my next book
Thursday, January 28, 2016
The debate is the things, a poem by Justice James Ogoola
Sunday, January 24, 2016
The case against term limits in Uganda
He had just ousted the regime of Gen Tito Okello Lutwa after a five-year liberation struggle that had also seen his National Resistance Army rebels fight Dr Apollo Milton Obote’s (1980-85).
On that day, President Museveni delivered his now memorable line to a very euphoric nation: “No one should think that what is happening today is a mere change of guard; it is a fundamental change in the politics of our country.”
He went on and promised to run a frugal and responsible government and told the country: “We want our people to be able to afford shoes. The honourable excellency who is going to the United Nations in executive jets, but has a population at home of 90 per cent walking barefoot, is nothing but a pathetic spectacle.
Yet this excellency may be busy trying to compete with [then US president Ronald] Reagan and [then USSR president Mikhail] Gorbachev to show them that he, too, is an excellency.”
On top of this speech which won him hearts both home and away, he even promised to rule for only four years.
Thirty years later, his name is inked in history books as one of the longest serving non-traditional leaders of the world in the eighth position.
The metamorphosis
After capturing power in 1986, the Legal Notice Number One was established as a basis of legality for the new NRA government as elections were prepared. It also vested legislative powers in the then National Resistance Council –NRC-[interim Parliament] and the President.
In 1989, the NRC was expanded from 98 appointed members to 278 elected representatives (68 of which were still nominated by the President) through the first national election since 1980 and transformed into the Constituent Assembly.
Several accounts have put it that President Museveni started to change colours when he asked for another five years to lay a foundation for the drafting and implementation of a new Constitution.
Former Supreme Court judge George Kanyeihamba, and who was minister of Justice at the time, writing in his weekly column in this newspaper two weeks ago said: “At the time, I believed the policy of extension was genuinely executed and our extension team, which I led as minister responsible, worked out a detailed programme which was to be adopted and implemented for the next five years in the realisation of the peoples’ expectations and wishes.”
The new Constitution was drawn and promulgated in September 1995 with a specific article 105(2) setting two terms for the incoming president. President Museveni sought an elective term which he indicated would be his last and won with 74 per cent.
Before that term would end, he launched a bid for another one. In 2000, while campaigning for the referendum to retain the Movement system, he then likened himself to the chameleon. At least 90 per cent of the 50 per cent voter turnout voted in favour of the Movement system in June that year.
The chameleon manifests
At the Wakiso rally, Museveni was quoted to have said the reason why leaders like UPC’s Milton Obote lost power twice through coup d’รฉtats was because they failed to read the situation properly, thereby failing to change accordingly.
A year later, he got a serious political challenger in his former personal physician during the Bush War, Dr Kizza Besigye, who two years earlier had authored a document criticising the NRM of derailing from the principles that in the first place had inspired them to go to the bush.
Amid Besigye’s mounting popularity, Museveni threw in a solemn political promise that this was the last term he was running and would retire thereafter; this is repeated 21 times in the NRM manifesto.
“I am once again offering myself to serve the people of Uganda because of my conviction. I am taking on the challenge of contesting for a last presidential term for the following reasons.”
He polled 69 per cent in the elections while Dr Besigye came second with 27 per cent, results which he challenged in the Supreme Court citing electoral malpractices. The court condemned the electoral process, but declined to overturn the results.
Until we solve our political differences; Uganda will always be caught between a stone and hard rock
The case for term limits in Uganda
“A wise politician should be like a chameleon to change colour when necessary. When I am at Wakiso I have no problem, I can be like a dove. But when facing my enemies and murderers, I turn into a lion,” Museveni said.
That was 15 years ago, and that metaphorical reference has played out in reality in the Museveni’s approach to statecraft and political management of Uganda and beyond since then.
When he wanted more years than was permitted under the 1995 Constitution, he engineered the lifting of the presidential term limits to contradict his 1986 position, on assuming office, that Africa’s problem was not the people but “leaders who overstay in power”.
Now making three decades on Tuesday, Mr Museveni is Africa’s fifth longest-serving president.
He has revised his inaugural January 29, 1986, narrative to justify his changed position by arguing that what he castigated at the time was “leaders who overstay in power without election”.
The President’s changing positions has prompted critics to suggest a possible shadow boxing between the ‘old’ and the ‘new’ Museveni if the two versions, which they say contrast, met.
The ruling NRM party chairman and presidential flag bearer a fortnight ago told journalists at a press conference in Ntungamo District that he cannot leave power now, especially when all that he planted is starting to bear “fruits”.
“We can’t be in the middle of a forest and want the old man to go. This is not right. We must concentrate on development, my time will come and I will go. I don’t fear going because I have where to go, but we must first see where we go,” he said.
And true, talk of where to “go”, throughout his campaign trail for a fifth elective term in office, Mr Museveni has been promising that the next term, running up to 2021, is to steer the country where it should be.
“After the liberation struggle, recovery phase and building foundation, Uganda is ready for take-off. NRM will stick to prioritisation in development planning to address Uganda’s challenges,” he says.
Indeed, the one thing he cannot be accused of having failed to do is provide grand plans and visions for Uganda, a habit that dates way back to when he was still a guerrilla fighter.
His recent proclamation came on the heels of another he made last November in Arua District, again at a press briefing, that he is willing to hand over in case he lost power.
“I have got my job; I am a cattle keeper. I am not power hungry, but mission hungry. So I have got a mission of economic transformation of Ugandans,” Mr Museveni said.
‘New breed leader’
On Wednesday, January 26, 1986, President Museveni stood on the front porch of the Parliamentary Building before a rudimentary desk and took the oath as the 9th president of Uganda.
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